We have long and hard fight for the equality of all South Africans. In recent years, we have fought home and traditional authorities with their backist and racist practices. The reversal of any of these profits over the past 24 years would be crying.
Tribalism is on the rise and, if we do not limit it, we will soon be known again in a society in which we struggle with outdated traditions and cultures. How has this happened and can we blame our beloved liberation movement, ANC? Is it the creation of our government and the national legislature, the adoption of laws that are draconian and repressive?
A glance at the recent judgment of the Constitutional Court and its wonderful summary by the Center for Land and Responsibility Research (LARC) show that:
"The Traditional and Khoi San Governance Law (TKLB) is based on previous laws, such as the Bill of Communal Land Rights of 2003 and the 2008 Bill of Traditional Courts (TCB), to reconnect the power of traditional leaders to former homelands. Traditional leaders and worlds give exclusive decision-making powers to the 17 million South African countries living in tribal borders that make up former homes. These tribal borders reintroduced the 2003 TLGFA Framework Law on Traditional Governance and Governance. "
Why do we allow it? What do our legislators think about and do they fully appreciate that in some way they return to history? These traditional organs were actually the result of colonial conquest and apartheid politics in order to divide and rule our people. They were used and abused as extensions to these disgusting systems. Now, it seems that we have to entertain the laws and accounts that return us back to those days. We must stop this immediately.
Those who have suffered the most again are women. Not only are they nowhere in the debate on the land issue, they are again exposed to exploitative and discriminatory practices. If the ANC is in accordance with its non-exotic principle, then this can not be allowed. I mean, it is necessary to ask only how women will have compensation for the land, in order to find that they simply do not represent them. They were not allowed to own land in 1913, let alone vote, and therefore the question on land became a man's matter.
Now, in a direct way, we again want to exclude them and subject them to the slowing practices of sexism, chauvinist and sexual violence.
The document also states:
"The National Council of the Provinces was rejected by the Traditional Courts Act in 2012, but the current Justice Justice Committee advocates restoring it. This would make it impossible for anyone who lives in the former homeland to "decide" that he will be tried and tried by a traditional leader. The TCB of 2012 would also authorize traditional leaders to prohibit anyone who lives within their "breeding" boundaries of customary rights, including land rights, which is now proposed in TKLB. "
This directly speaks of the arrogance that we have seen, which was shown by King Zvelithini, although our highest court in the country declares that after the successful challenge of returning land to return to his beneficial landowner, the king declares that he does not actually fall into this family, but alone. I mean, really, where does this guy get the balls?
Similarly with his trust, Ingonyam, if he thinks that his threats will scare him, and his threats to the Civil War will discourage us, I would think better. The law of the land prevails. For the people of the KZN and the rest of the country, we should not have a different law, no matter what the President Ramaphosa could promise and do.
"TKLB claims that it is a recognition of the Khoi and San community, which has been a long time. It also repeals and replaces legislation that deals with all traditional leaders in South Africa. Leaders of Khoi and San are acting differently from the traditional leaders associated with the previous homelands. Leaders Khoi and San get jurisdiction only over people who decide to connect with them. They do not assume jurisdiction over certain areas. But all other traditional leaders get jurisdiction over tribal areas designated in the sense of the Home Administration Act of 1927 and the 1951 Bantus authorities Act, which was quite resistant. These tribal borders exist in the former homelands and are deeply controversial in many cases. "
In other words, legislators try to ask some other questions in this Code to give greater credibility to traditional leaders. I am well aware that general elections are coming, but this is not the way in which we have to satisfy certain groups in our country.
"Clause 24 of the TKLB provides that traditional councils managed by traditional leaders can sign jobs that oblige all people in tribal jurisdictions in the apartheid period without obtaining the consent of those whose land rights are impaired or alienated by such transactions. Operations can be made with mining companies, real estate investors, tourism companies, agricultural enterprises, municipalities or all others. "
It also states that "The Ministry of Mineral Resources has allegedly encouraged mining homes to sign billions of deals with traditional leaders. These transactions are legally uncertain for several reasons."
In short, our people in and around these affected areas in the mining settlements are back in the end and do not get anything valuable from these deals.
The ANC should not be reminded that simple observation and actual exile show that there are two major dark spots on the African continent Tribalism and far apart, corruption. It is very obvious that we are facing the last challenge, but it seems that we are falling into a trap that allows the release of tribalism in Mzansi. This is a very dangerous path on which we are. So, what's in the game?
"This is the fundamental issue of the rural struggle against the Bantustan authorities and the autocratic form of the power of leaders. Inkosi Albert Luthuli and ZK Matthews had a vision of customary law, which became part of South African law. However, legislation such as TCB and TKLB returns us to separate legal systems and separate property rights systems that apply only in previous homelands. Citizenship and property rights are no longer denied on the basis of race, but by geographical boundaries that are deeply racialized. It is a return to nobility and in opposition to everything that people have fought in the struggle against colonialism and apartheid. "
Mining and Bantustani were the key drivers of structural inequality. This law strengthens the modus operandi of both. The inclusive vision of mining is prevailing, which could benefit the rural communities and lead to stability. For the mining industry and the government, it seems more important to reduce the politically affiliated elites to the profits derived from mining, rather than establish a regulatory system that provides vulnerable protection and control.
So what does LARC propose?
Extend this information remotely. Press for discussions on radio stations, especially in radio stations. It seems that political parties believe that traditional leaders will vote in rural areas. Let the rural voters say what they think about measures such as TKLB and the Traditional Courts Act.
Support the colors of rural people affected by mining. Get into rural communities that lead solitary struggle for life and death to keep their land. Break the gap between urban and rural spaces. Show to rural people that urban people understand and support their wrinkles.
Take advantage of those in the economy and in mining. Challenge them to explain why they negotiate with traditional leaders rather than people directly affected by mining on their land. They challenge them to explain why they prefer to cover politically-connected elites in mining and do not replace people directly affected by lost livelihoods and environmental destruction that many mining projects leave.
The challenge for politicians is to explain why the same stereotypes used during colonialism and apartheid renounced black property and civil rights. Then and now we have said that ordinary systems do not guarantee property rights to families and individuals. Thus, their land is "free to retrieve".
Then and now, we have said that rural people are primarily rural entities, in contrast to the "equal citizens" of South Africa.
We have long and hard fight for the equality of all South Africans. In recent years, we have fought home and traditional authorities with their backist and racist practices.
Turning any of these profits over the last 24 years would be crying and shamefully saying that ANC has devastating consequences for the client over a long period of time.
Forward always, never back. We will not wait slowly, while our benefits will worsen poorly-informed Members or hidden tradi- tists. This is not what the ANC is known for or advocates. DM
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